A Planet Growing Older: The Global Fertility Slide

A Planet Growing Older

For most of modern history, demographers worried about too many people. Now the central question is whether the world will soon have too few young ones. In 2026, evidence is mounting that the transition from rapid growth to stagnation, and eventually decline, is coming faster than many official projections assumed.

One milestone appeared in a report from the US Census Bureau: for the first time in recorded history, people aged 65 and over outnumber children aged five and under worldwide. The report describes a demographic inversion driven by two forces, sharply lower fertility and longer lives, and expects it to deepen for decades. Asia illustrates the scale. The number of Asians aged 65 and above is projected to climb from about 487 million in 2025 to roughly 1.24 billion by 2060, accounting for around two-thirds of the global increase in older people.

Fertility figures tell the story. The global fertility rate fell from about 2.6 births per woman in 2007 to roughly 2.2 in 2025, close to the 2.1 needed in a wealthy country with low child mortality, to keep a population stable. Some 137 countries and territories now report rates below 2.0, and a large majority of the world’s people live in countries at or below replacement. Africa is the only continent that remained clearly above the replacement level in 2024. Even China and India, the two most populous countries, now have fertility below replacement.

An August 2026 research paper pushed the debate further. It argued that, after adjusting for new birth statistics, global fertility in 2026 is no higher than about 2.19 children per woman, which would put humanity at or just below the replacement threshold for the first time. The authors expect world population to peak around 9 billion in the mid-2050s, three decades earlier than the United Nations medium projection, which has population rising to around 10.3 billion in the 2080s. The claim is contested. UN figures place the global rate near 2.2 to 2.25, and critics note that the data do not yet confirm that 2026 is the first year below replacement. Still, even the cautious reading agrees on the direction: fertility keeps falling, often faster than expected.

The decline is no longer confined to rich nations. Thailand’s fertility rate was estimated at just 0.87 in 2025, Colombia’s at about 1.0, Iran’s at about 1.35 and Brazil’s at about 1.5. South Korea remains among the lowest in the world at around 0.8 despite recent small increases, and Japan has reported falling births for ten consecutive years. Researchers do not agree on a single cause. Urbanisation, education, the cost of housing and childcare, delayed marriage, changing expectations about work and family, and weaker social support all play roles, and policies aimed at raising birth rates have generally had modest effects.

The consequences are far-reaching. Economically, a shrinking or ageing workforce can slow growth, strain public finances and raise demand for healthcare and long-term care. Pension systems built for a world with many workers per retiree must adapt through higher retirement ages, larger contributions or reforms. Analysts also note that population is a pillar of long-term energy demand forecasts; if fewer people are born, projections of future consumption may be too high.

Yet decline is not synonymous with decay. Several countries have shown that economies can keep improving living standards as populations level off, provided productivity rises. Longer healthy lives mean many people can work later, and a number of governments have raised statutory retirement ages that were set in a very different demographic era. Technology may help: automation and AI can raise output per worker and ease labour shortages, particularly in care, logistics and routine office work. The Census report’s contributors argue that preventive health, flexible careers and age-friendly workplaces could turn longer lifespans into economically productive years.

Migration is another lever, but not a complete answer. Countries with low birth rates compete for skilled workers, while many source countries are themselves ageing rapidly, which reduces the pool of future migrants. Political resistance to immigration in many destination countries further complicates this option.

Society is also adjusting culturally. Smaller families change housing demand, school enrollment, consumer markets and community life. Some regions face school closures and shrinking towns, while others see growth in senior services, assistive technology and multigenerational living arrangements. Loneliness among older adults is becoming a public-health priority.

What can individuals and institutions do? Governments can invest in childcare, housing affordability and parental leave, not necessarily to hit a birth target but to remove obstacles for people who want children. They can reform pensions, support lifelong learning and design workplaces that welcome older workers. Businesses can plan for slower growth in some markets and faster growth in services for the elderly.

The world is not running out of people soon; the population will keep rising for years because of past growth. But the long-term direction has changed. A planet growing older and more slowly will need to rethink assumptions embedded in economies, cities and politics, and the countries that adapt early will be best placed to thrive.